MARIAN IRELAND: A POINT OF DEPARTURE FOR THE IRISH COUNTER-REFORMATION
The birth of historical revisionism in the twentieth century challenged the traditional Whiggish interpretation of Mary Tudor’s reign. John Knox’s Book of Martyrs had served its purpose well and, for centuries, the brief period in which she ruled England, Wales, Ireland and Calais – which was ultimately lost at the end of the same – was one from which nothing good could be expected. Sir Geoffrey Elton left us a cruel portrait of the woman in Reform and Reformation: England, 1509-1558: ‘The evidence of her recorded words and actions shows her to have been arrogant, assertive, bigoted, stubborn, suspicious, and rather stupid’.[1] Whether this was true or not, the description has also been used as a valid one to refer to her reign. The equation was simple: the reign of an unintelligent and intolerant woman could only have been a cruel and narrow-minded one. It was, in short, a brief period of five years useless in the wider understanding of British history. The significance of Mary I’s reign in history has since been successfully championed by historians such as David Loades, in The Reign of Mary Tudor: Politics, Government & Religion in England, 1553-1558 or Eamon Duffy, in the masterful Fires of Faith: Catholic England Under Mary Tudor. However, and although referred to in life as ‘Maria Dei gratia Angliae Frantiae et Hiberniae Regina’[2], the historiography on the Irish side of her reign remains scarce and it is still in need of a monographic study of its own. The intent of this essay is to study, through the restoration of Irish monasteries and the figure of archbishop Dowdall, this widely neglected subject in order to prove that Marian Ireland was a significant period in Irish history and a point of departure for the Irish Counter-Reformation.
In October 1553, Queen Mary issued instructions to Sir Anthony St Leger[3] and the Privy Council of Ireland in which she exhorted them to restore the ‘old religion’ while, at the same time, she ordered some provisions concerning the government of the country, among which there was the announcement that lands in Laois and Offaly were to be granted in fee simple.[4] This would be, in a nutshell, the Marian’s regime programme for Ireland. The queen was moving in Ireland at a faster pace than she had in England. Barely three months after her spectacular accession to the throne in the midst of conspiracy and treason, Mary felt securely enough to make this official statement in Ireland while in England, just two months previously, she had cautiously declared that, although ‘God and the world’ knew which religion she had professed since her infancy, she ‘mindeth not to compel any her said subjects thereunto unto such time as further order by common assent may be taken therein’.[5] The reasons for these reactions lay in the different nature and development that the Reformation had experienced in England and Ireland. Unlike in England, the Henrician Reformation had failed in many ways in Ireland, not only amongst the staunchly and conservatively Catholic Gaelic population, but also among the ‘Old English’ nobility, as proven by the ill-fated rebellion of the ill-fated Thomas FitzGerald, 10th Earl of Kildare. Moreover, a very significant percentage of the clergy had chosen not to say the compulsory prayers for King Henry as supreme head of the Irish Church and there was a great deal of respect for the figure of the Pope among the lower classes. The struggle, however, as Lennon states, was mainly motivated by jurisdiction over the church and not doctrinal innovation, for the latter was left basically unchanged until 1560.[6] The dissolution of the monasteries had been opposed in the parliamentary sessions of 1537 and, although the bill had been ultimately passed, the dissolution campaign of 1539-1540 had mostly affected monasteries which were either abandoned or not highly populated. Even when other bigger monasteries, such as Mellifont or Lismullin, were dissolved, Ireland retained its taste for monasticism and the country’s links with the religious orders were only partially severed at the time of Mary’s coming to the throne, the influence of the Franciscan Order being particularly intense and deeply rooted in Ireland.[7] Edward VI’s enforcement had been apparently more vigorous than that of his father but he too had failed to convince or force the Irish to convert massively to the reformed religion. According to James Murray, all attempts to interpret the period coherently have failed. In the eyes of modern historians, the Edwardian Reformation seems impenetrable and obscure and even though it had some success[8], Mary used the same authority that had sanctioned it, that of the royal supremacy, to stop her late brother’s Reformation in its tracks. It was done, of course, with the pope’s consent and supervision.[9] The failure of the Irish Reformation has been summed up brilliantly by Diarmaid MacCulloch:
In Ireland, official Protestantism became the elite sect and Roman Catholicism the popular religion, in a result unique in the whole Reformation. In no other polity where a major monarchy made a long-term commitment to the establishment of Protestantism was there such a failure. The chief problem was the ambivalent attitude of the Tudor dynasty to Ireland after Henry VIII had unilaterally erected the medieval Lordship into a Kingdom in 1541.[10]
Whichever advancement the Reformation had made during the period 1534-1553, it appeared as though many people in Ireland were expecting a return to Roman Catholicism. The Calendar of State Papers for Ireland registers a petition, apparently dating from the year of Mary’s accession, in which Conoghor M’Carthy, clerk, begs the queen for a letter of license to go to Rome in order to obtain certain poor benefices from the pope. We ignore if such permit was granted, but the petition itself is proof that people were adamant to include the pope in all dealings that had to do with religion.[11] The restoration must have been swift. There is a scarcity of documents relating to the years 1554, 1555, and 1556, but again in 1557 we see further proof of how the restoration was taking place. Requests made by James FitzGerald, Earl of Desmond, show that he had restored some religious houses in his estates and it is again through the Earl of Desmond that we know of the attempt by several noblemen to restore a dissolved Dominican monastery outside the walls of Cork that had been purchased by two merchants. In his letter, Desmond assures to the queen that if the monastery was to be restored as he wished, it ‘woulde do moche good emonges your Grace’s pore savage peaple in this parties, that knoweth not decently where to be buryed’.[12] It is probably the same monastery that Robert Gogan, Dominican friar of the Convent of Youghal, calls of St Mary of the Island and which he petitions the queen to restore in an undated letter of 1557.[13] Mellifont Abbey had actually been restored and Sir James Welshe, former chanter of Christ’s Church in Dublin and a protégé of King Philip, from whom he received money to pass into Ireland, was appointed its prior around December of the same year.[14] In an undated petition of Robert Remon, he advocates for the restitution of the Augustine Abbey of St Catherine, outside Waterford, to which he had been appointed prior. We know that the abbey was finally left to ruin, the current Court House of Waterford having been built in 1849 where St Catherine’s once stood, but the effort had been made.[15] The nobility sought, as it had always done, the advancement of their clientele, and to one such petition made by the troublesome Conn O’Neill, Earl of Tyrone, the queen answered to Lord Deputy Sussex:
Where his request is that his chaplen [Edmund O’Coyne] having already obteyned the Pope’s Holyness bulls for the pryorie of the cathedrall churche of Downe, might be established in the said Pryorye: ye shall declare unto the said Erle that wee intende to maynteyne our prerogatyve lefte unto us by our Progenitours in that behallf.[16]
The priory, however, no longer existed and although plans were being made to restore it, with O’Coyne as its prior, the untimely death of Queen Mary four months after the letter was sent halted the project.[17]
On a different note, Thomas Radclyffe, Baron Fitzwalter, who had succeeded St Leger as Lord Deputy in 1556, wrote a letter to the queen in which he gave some advice on how the re-establishment of the Catholic religion was to be set up in the north. He suggested that a ‘discreet man’ be sent from England to be a bishop there so that he can give an example to other bishops and the clergy under them, some of whom are ‘as pytefull as trewe be nowe common spyes and messengers of myschefs, and make ther churches not only yn the northe, but also thorowghe the moste of Irland, lyker to stabells for horses and herdhowses for cattell, then holly places to mynyster with due reverence the moste blyssed sacraments yn’.[18] More than obedience to the pope then, what was lacking in the Church of Ireland according to Lord Deputy Fitzwalter, was a proper episcopate, at least in the north. However, we have to pinpoint the fact that the Lord Deputy, who was soon to inherit the Earldom of Sussex, had a feud with George Dowdall, Archbishop of Armagh and Primate of All Ireland.
Dowdall was, from my point of view, the artifice of an incipient Irish Counter-Reformation and his contribution is worth noting. An initial supporter of Henry VIII’s proclamation as supreme of the Irish Church, he had later been deprived of the see of Armagh in 1551 by Edward VI, and he had fled to the Netherlands, where he had secured a papal provision for Armagh in March 1553.[19] Dowdall might very possibly have belonged to the sphere of influence of Cardinal Reginald Pole, a Humanist prince and committed reformer of the Catholic Church – from within, of course – all in one who had defied Henry VIII over his divorce from Katherine of Aragon and who had participated in the initial sessions of the Council of Trent.[20] Upon Mary’s accession, while preparations were being made for Pole’s return to England as papal legate, Dowdall was restored to the archbishopric of Armagh in October 1553 and to the Primacy of All-Ireland in March 1554. On his own initiative, perhaps imbued with the same Tridentine reforming principles that guided his purpurate friend, Dowdall organised a provincial synod in St Peter’s Church, Drogheda, some 46 miles south of Armagh, in County Louth, with the intention of improving the functioning of the Catholic Church in his diocese[21].
There was to be a restoration of the ancient rites, religious practices, feasts, customs, sacraments and sacrifices to which they had been accustomed. Clergymen who had celebrated the Mass or administered the sacraments in a way different to that dictated by Rome but had shown themselves repentant or to have acted under compulsion would be reconciled. Married clergy, however, were not to be so lucky and were deprived of their offices. Dowdall’s resolution antedated by nine years that of the canons of the Council of Trent, which would declare in its twenty-fourth session (November 1563):
Canon 9. If anyone says that clerics constituted in sacred orders or regulars who have made solemn profession of chastity can contract marriage, and that the one contracted is valid notwithstanding the ecclesiastical law or the vow, and that the contrary is nothing else than a condemnation of marriage, and that all who feel that they have not the gift of chastity, even though they have made such a vow, can contract marriage, let him be anathema, since God does not refuse that gift to those who ask for it rightly, neither does he suffer us to be tempted above that which we are able.[22]
The persecution of heretics through inquisitors, and the burning of books considered heretical were authorised by Dowdall’s articles. Other traditional aspects of Roman Catholicism such as proper pontificals and clerical dress, and the obligation of the laity to repair their parish churches were also implemented in the synods. In this last point, Dowdall was again in accordance with and antedating the canons of the Council of Trent which would declare, in its twenty-third session (July 1563) that:
For the payment of this portion [tithes] the local bishop shall by ecclesiastical censures and other legal means, even with the aid of the secular arm, should he deem it necessary, compel the possessors of benefices, dignities with and without jurisdiction, and each and all of the above-mentioned, whether the revenues are for themselves or for the salaries which they perchance pay to others out of the said revenues, retaining, however, a portion equivalent to that which they have to pay on account of these salaries; [...] But if it should happen that as a result of these unions or otherwise, the seminary should be found to be endowed in whole or in part, then the portion deducted from each benefice, as stated above, and incorporated by the bishop, shall be discontinued in whole or in part as circumstances may require.[23]
The lines taken by Dowdall’s synod are thus strikingly similar to the guiding principles of the Tridentine reunion, even if the latter’s canons and decrees concerning these specific points were discussed and published nine years later. The archbishop of Armagh might or might not have been influenced by Cardinal Pole, but his religious guidelines were very much in line with those of continental Catholicism thus placing his Irish diocese among the Catholic religious avant-garde of the second half of the sixteenth century. We can conclude that the synod of Drogheda was a counter-reforming experience, perhaps an anticipated one, but part of the Counter-Reformation nevertheless. However, its action was limited, as it was reduced to the diocese of Armagh and its influence was only felt in it and the neighbouring cities of the English Pale. Jefferies flatly rejects Murray’s theory that Dowdall had similar plans for the diocese of Dublin mainly because canon law did not contemplate one diocese legislating for another one and because according to Jefferies there is no evidence to support the theory. In any case, the experience was to be a short-lived one. Archbishop Dowdall died on 15 August 1558 and was shortly followed to the grave by both Queen Mary and Cardinal Pole who, in a twisted turn of fate, died on the same day in November, without having appointed a new archbishop for the see of Armagh, which would remain empty until Elizabeth I filled it in with the Anglican Adam Loftus in 1562.[24]
The Calendar of State Papers for Ireland provides us with more evidence of Dowdall’s commitment with and concern for his diocese and Ireland in general, even if his words might be tainted by the mistrust he felt for Lord Deputy Sussex. In November 1557, archbishop Dowdall wrote a letter to Nicholas Heath, Archbishop of York, in which he said:
As I writ to my L. Cardynall [Pole] this pore realme was newer in my remembraunce in worse case then it is nowe, except the tyme onely that Oneyll and Odonyll enwaded thenglish pale and burned a great pece of it. [...] The Northe is as farr out of frame as ewer it was before, fore the Scotts berrithe as great rule as they dothe wysshe, not onely in suche lands as they did lately usurpe, but also in Claneboy. [...] [The O’Mores and the O’Conors] hathe distroit and burned Lexe and Afayle sawinge certain forts.
He then asks for a compensation for the hurts and damages suffered by Lord Deputy Sussex and his army, who had burnt his see of Armagh and three churches.[25] The crown must have been aware that, even if the quarrel between Dowdall and Sussex might have clouded Dowdall’s judgement, the necessity of the kingdom was dire, because Sir Henry Sidney, Lord Justice of Ireland, had written to Mary in March 1558 that ‘the country is in a wretched state, having neither money, munition, nor credit’.[26] Both men were summoned to the queen’s presence, and it appears that an arrangement must have been reached, because by June both were back in their posts.
In accordance with his reforming line, sometime between June and August 1558, Dowdall requested from the queen the restoration of the hospital of Arde Priory, and cautiously sought permission, in a very colonial mood, to exercise and minister all kinds of ecclesiastical censures against the ‘wild Irish’, a task that some learned men – it does not state whom – considered to be against the statute of praemunire, a law that had been established in England in the fourteenth century under the reign of Richard II and that had been introduced in Ireland when the country became a kingdom in 1541. The law forbade the maintenance of the papacy jurisdiction – or the jurisdiction of any foreign power, for that matter – to the detriment of the monarch’s supremacy.[27] It was a dangerous step and Dowdall was very careful to act legally and openly. Mary consented to everything, even to the archbishop’s request that certain lands be granted for the foundation of a university in Termonfeckin. It was a very ambitious project, and one that would have crowned his position as a Catholic champion of religious as well as cultural Counter-Reformation. Alas, it was not to be. Archbishop Dowdall died eleven days after Mary granted what he had petitioned for and all his projects were thus halted. The failure of the Marian regime lay not on a lack of planning or direction, but on a lack of time and resources. George Dowdall’s adventure will remain, as so many other aspects of Mary’s reign, an interesting ‘what-if’.
Mary and Philip’s plantation venture in Laois and Offaly, re-baptised as Queen’s County and King’s County respectively – their county towns, nowadays Portlaoise and Tullamore having been called Maryborough and Philipstown –, was launched in 1556 and it had limited success. King Philip seems to have been particularly interested in the plantation schemes, as letters referring to these were translated into French for him to read directly, something unusual during Philip’s time as king of Ireland and England, when his interests where much more focused on English affairs.[28] The plantations failed mainly due to a lack of suitable tenants, to the constant raids of the O’Mores, the Scots and the French, and to the everlasting shortage of money, munition, and men to answer to the same.[29] In the long term, however, there was a posthumous victory for Mary, as the population of both plantations remained overwhelmingly Catholic, posing a number of obstacles to Elizabeth I’s attempts on planting Laois and Offaly with ‘New English’ Protestants.[30]
In an undated letter, probably written in 1559, Queen Elizabeth wrote to Warham and Robert St Leger, the former of whom would later become President of Munster, asking them to send her the books and writings of John Bale, Protestant bishop of Ossory between 1552 and 1553.[31] Queen Elizabeth describes him in her letter as ‘a man that hath byn studious in the serche for the history and antiquities of this our realme’, which he left behind him, ‘in the time of our late sister Quene Mary, when he was occasioned to departe out of Ireland’. She demanded his writings ‘for the illustration and setting forth of the storye of this our realme by him, the said Bale’.[32] The damnatio memoriae towards their predecessor so cherished by all the Tudors was already en route. This time, however, it was not going to be so easy. Ireland, already inclined to traditional religion and Roman Catholicism was now a bastion for recusants. The Gaelic population and the ‘Old English’ were, for the most part, at least steady on this common feature: virtually all of them were Catholics. Queen Elizabeth had her own plans for Ireland but, as often had happened during the reign of her predecessors; she seldom had the resources or the organisation to implement them. Ireland became a source of anxiety as it increasingly became the focus of attention of Philip II, who considered the kingdom an excellent strategic enclave from which to launch his ‘enterprise of England’.[33] At the same time, the proximity of Ireland to England and its connections with various English regions, such as Lancashire, began to manifest in the form of an increased number of Catholic recusants.[34] Jesuits were starting to penetrate both England and – more successfully – Ireland. The Elizabethan regime also encountered problems with the Irish episcopate. During the conflict with Shane O’Neill and coinciding with Adam Loftus’s promotion as archbishop of Dublin, the archbishopric of Armagh and the primacy of All Ireland were left vacant again and Richard Creagh, a Catholic merchant-turned-into-priest was consecrated by the pope in 1564. Imprisoned by the Elizabethan authorities for his blatant display of Catholicism in 1567, he would remain in the Tower of London until his death in 1585. In his brilliant biographical article Colm Lennon ascribes to Creagh the merit of beginning the Irish Counter-Reformation.[35] It might have been so, but how much did all these events owe to Marian Ireland? The Society of Jesus had been founded by a Spaniard, Ignatius Loyola, who had corresponded and collaborated with Philip II in matters religious. The latter’s sister, the politically influential Joana, Dowager Princess of Portugal, was a secret Jesuit herself – the only female member of the order in its whole history – and the Jesuit European boarding schools and Spanish universities were receiving an ever greater number of young Irish members of the gentry and the nobility. The Order was also being successful in Ireland, managing to organise itself despite the Elizabethan regime’s attempts at persecuting it. Meanwhile Philip, who not accidentally was the widower of Mary Tudor, was developing a keen interest in the country, an interest motivated by political as well as by religious purposes. Finally, the see of Armagh, which had been so briefly occupied by Creagh, had been previously occupied by Dowdall, who certainly shared the characteristics, principles, and impetus of the Tridentine Catholic reformers. True, it can be argued that the diocese of Armagh was just one portion of the whole territory of Ireland. However, it had been a model example of Catholic expectations fulfilled: its archbishop had re-established the old ceremonies and traditions, the diocese was well organised, the laity paid their tithes in order to maintain the churches – a much needed gesture in an impoverished Ireland – and there were plans for a more widely ranged, higher education for the population by the means of preaching and the founding of a university. The Ireland of Mary Tudor may not have been the perfect example of a successful Counter-Reformation at all levels – to determine that a much lengthy study would be necessary – but it was certainly a promising point of departure.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Primary Sources:
Archivo General de Simancas, Patronato Real, ‘Contrato matrimonial de la Reina de Inglaterra, María Tudor y el Príncipe Felipe de España’, legajo 55, documento 28.
Hamilton, Hans Claude (ed.), Calendar of the State Papers Relating to Ireland of the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary, and Elizabeth. 1509-1573, (London, 1860).
Schroeder, H.J., The Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent, (Rockford, Illinois; 1978)
Secondary Works:
Bernard, G. W., The King’s Reformation: Henry VIII and the Remaking of the English Church, (London, 2005)
Duffy, Eamon, Fires of Faith: Catholic England under Mary Tudor, (London, 2009)
Dunlop, R., ‘The Plantation of Leix and Offaly’, The English Historical Review, (1891)
Elton, Geoffrey, Reform and Reformation: England, 1509-1558, (London, 1977)
Jefferies, Henry A., The Irish Church and the Tudor Reformations, (Dublin, 2010)
Lennon, Colm, ‘Primate Richard Creagh and the Beginnings of the Irish Counter-Reformation’, Archivium Hibernicum, vol. 51, (1997)
Lennon, Colm, Sixteenth-Century Ireland: The Incomplete Conquest, (Dublin, 1994)
Loades, David, The Reign of Mary Tudor: Politics, Government & Religion in England, 1553-58, (London, 1991)
MacCulloch, Diarmaid, Reformation: Europe’s House Divided, 1490-1700, (London, 2003)
Mayer, Thomas F., Reginald Pole: Prince & Prophet, (Cambridge, 2000)
McGurk, John, The Elizabethan Conquest of Ireland: The 1590s Crisis, (Manchester, 1997)
Murray, James, Enforcing the English Reformation in Ireland: Clerical Resistance and Political Conflict in the Diocese of Dublin, 1534-1590, (Cambridge, 2009)
O’Grady, Brendan, Exiles and Islanders: The Irish Settlers of Prince Edward Island, (Québec, 2004)
Parker, Geoffrey, Felipe II: La biografía definitiva, (Barcelona, 2010)
Rankin, J. Fred, Down Cathedral: the Church of Saint Patrick of Down, (Belfast, 1997)
[1] Geoffrey Elton, Reform and Reformation: England, 1509-1558, (London, 1977), p. 376.
[2] Archivo General de Simancas, Patronato Real, ‘Contrato matrimonial de la Reina de Inglaterra, María Tudor y el Príncipe Felipe de España’, legajo 55, documento 28.
[3] Appointed Lord Deputy of Ireland by Henry VIII in 1540 he would serve three terms under Henry, Edward VI, and Mary I (1540-1548; 1550-1551; 1553-1556).
[4] Hans Claude Hamilton, Esq. (ed.), Calendar of the State Papers Relating to Ireland of the Reigns of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary, and Elizabeth. 1509-1573, (London, 1860), nº 2, vol. I, p. 132. Henceforth referred to as CSPI.
[5] Eamon Duffy, Fires of Faith: Catholic England under Mary Tudor, (London, 2009), p. 85.
[6] Colm Lennon, Sixteenth-Century Ireland: The Incomplete Conquest, (Dublin, 1994), p. 113.
[7] Ibidem, pp. 119-20, 135-143.
[8] The first English Book of Common Prayer (1549) was widely distributed and used.
[9] James Murray, Enforcing the English Reformation in Ireland: Clerical Resistance and Political Conflict in the Diocese of Dublin, 1534-1590, (Cambridge, 2009), p. 197; Henry A. Jefferies, The Irish Church and the Tudor Reformations, (Dublin, 2010), p. 104.
[10] Diarmaid MacCulloch, Reformation: Europe’s House Divided, 1490-1700, (London, 2003), p. 394.
[11] CSPI, nº 3, vol. I, p. 132.
[12] CSPI, nº 58, vol. I, p. 139. James FitzGerald, Earl of Desmond, to Queen Mary. Youghal, 13 October 1557.
[13] CSPI, nº 59, vol. I, p. 140. Robert Gogan, Friar of the Order of Friars Preachers of the Convent of Youghal to Queen Mary. 1557.
[14] CSPI, nº 62, vol, I, p. 140. Second examination of Christopher Devenishe, relative to intelligence given by him in Spain. December 1557?
[15] CSPI, nº 66, vol I, p. 140. Petition of Robert Remon to King Philip and Queen Mary. 1557?
[16] CSPI, nº 58, vol I, p. 147. Queen Mary to Lord Deputy Sussex. St James’s Palace, 6 July 1558.
[17] J. Fred Rankin, Down Cathedral: the Church of Saint Patrick of Down, (Belfast, 1997), p. 84.
[18] CSPI, nº 22 I&II, vol. I, p. 135. Thomas Radclyffe, Lord Deputy, to Queen Mary. Leighlin, 2 January 1557.
[19] Jefferies, The Irish Church, p. 105.
[20] Thomas F. Mayer, Reginald Pole: Prince & Prophet, (Cambridge, 2000), p. 268.
[21] Two synods were held, one in 1554 and the other one in 1556. The latter was a confirmation of the previous one, which proves that the application of the articles in the diocese of Armagh was indeed working.
[22] H. J. Schroeder, The Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent, (Rockford, Illinois; 1978), p. 182.
[23] Ibidem, p. 177.
[24] Jefferies, The Irish Church, pp. 104-108. Murray, Enforcing the English Reformation in Ireland, pp. 204-241.
[25] CSPI, nº61, vol. I, p. 140. George Dowdall, Archbishop of Armagh and Primate of all Ireland to Nicholas Heath, Archbishop of York and Lord Chancellor and the Privy Council. Termonfeckin, 17 November 1557.
[26] CSPI, nº 16, vol. II, p. 142. Henry Sidney, Lord Justice, and Council to Queen Mary. Dublin, 1 March 1558.
[27] G. W. Bernard, The King’s Reformation: Henry VIII and the Remaking of the English Church, (London, 2005), pp. 30, 45-7.
[28] CSPI, nº 28, vol. I, p. 136. Lord Deputy Sussex and Council to King Philip and Queen Mary. 4 April 1557.
[29] CSPI, nº 16, vol. II, p. 142. Lord Deputy Sussex to Queen Mary. Dublin, 1 March 1558.
[30] R. Dunlop, ‘The Plantation of Leix and Offaly’, The English Historical Review, (1891), 61-96. Brendan O’Grady, Exiles and Islanders: The Irish Settlers of Prince Edward Island, (Québec, 2004), p. 36.
[31] He had been deprived of the see by Mary on her accession.
[32] CSPI, nº 85, vol. I, p. 158. Queen Elizabeth to Warham St Leger and Robert St Leger.
[33] Geoffrey Parker, Felipe II: La biografía definitiva, (Barcelona, 2010), pp. 817-24.
[34] John McGurk, The Elizabethan Conquest of Ireland: The 1590s Crisis, (Manchester, 1997), pp. 117-19.
[35] Colm Lennon, ‘Primate Richard Creagh and the Beginnings of the Irish Counter-Reformation’, Archivium Hibernicum, vol. 51, (1997), 74-86.
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